The Continued Ascent of Dong Jingwei: After  Succeeding at MSS, His Sights Are Now Set on Opponents in Hong Kong

Dong Jingwei (above). Without a doubt, Hong Kong and its future are issues of great concern for People’s Republic of China President and Communist Party of China Party Secretary Xi Jinping and the Party leadership in general. Likely to Xi’s satisfaction, Dong Jingwei is now in firm control of issues concerning protests and conspiracy against the regime and foreign sponsored efforts to orchestrate and sustain resistance in the city. Having pondered Dong’s posting and its responsibilities, greatcharlie has sought in this essay to dive a bit deeper into Dong’s background to better understand him and to meditate on his likely plans to get a handle on Hong Kong. Interestingly, in the photo image above provided by the Guangxi People’s Congress, conspicuously displayed on center of Dong’s jacket (above) is his official name tag. Readers may note, Dong is the only attendee visible in the photo that displayed both a table placard and a name tag to identify himself. While he apparently saw the need for “maximum” identification to assure recognition, Dong at the time of a photo served in the fairly well-known and powerful positions of Vice Minister of the Ministry of State Security (MSS) and the Chief of MSS Counterintelligence.

On July 18, 2023, the People’s Republic of China Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security announced Dong Jingwei was appointed as the central government’s commissioner for the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Dong succeeded Zheng Yanxiong was appointed director of the Liaison Office of the of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in January 2023. The Office for Safeguarding National Security was established in 2020 just months after China imposed a national security law in the wake of extended pro-democracy and anti-People’s Republic of China government protests that began in 2019. Protests were attended reportedly by as many as half a million people, In 2022, a HK$508 million ($65 million) headquarters building was constructed in Hong Kong for the organization. Zheng was the first director and.a founding member of Dong’s new office. John Lee Ka-chiu was installed as the Chief Executive of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region on July 1, 2022. Upon the announcement of Dong’s appointment, Lee welcomed him in a statement saying Hong Kong “will continue to work and communicate closely” with the Office for Safeguarding National Security as it seeks to fully implement the 2020 law.

Concerning the 2020 national security law, following the Hong Kong protests from 2019 to 2020, the People’s Republic of China imposed it to enable the prosecution of four major crimes, stamping out dissent. Zheng, at that time, pursued dissenters with vigor and was consequently sanctioned by the US for his activities. Of equal concern was the need to eliminate external influences in the form of foreign intelligence services. Beijing reported with conviction that they were entangled in Hong Kong’s protest activities,  providing both funding and direction to pro-democracy and anti-government activists. His extensive background at Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó Guójiā Ānquán Bù (Ministry for State Security of the People’s Republic of China) or the MSS and working alongside Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó Gōng’ānbù (the Ministry of Public Security of the People’s Republic of China) or MPS, in part gave Dong a leg up for selection to the commissioner’s job.  MSS is essentially the People’s Republic of China’s equivalent to the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and is responsible for foreign intelligence worldwide and counterintelligence both abroad and at home. MSS counterintelligence is directly aimed at the infiltration of foreign intelligence and counterintelligence services and the neutralization of their operations. MPS is a sort of dual law enforcement and intelligence service under the State Council in charge of the country’s internal and political security and domestic intelligence. MSS and MPS share the counterintelligence mission for the People’s Republic of China. As national security bureaucracies, both organizations are organized under the State Council of the People’s Republic of China Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, but both have settled lines to the highest realms of power into the Party. Very likely, it was Dong’s successes against foreign intelligence networks and operatives on the mainland in particular as the Chief of MSS Counterintelligence that also caused him to stand out of the best choice.

Interestingly, official sources on Dong’s appointment were especially frugal with their information about his intelligence background, never mentioning his very accomplished previous post as the Chief of MSS Counterintelligence. At the time of the announcement of Dong’s appointment, a representative for the Hong Kong government did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Dong’s appointment, including his past experiences at MSS. The China Daily only went as far to state Dong was the director of the political department of the MSS from 2017 to 2018, according to a resume published on the website of the China Law Society, of which he is vice president. It added the he previously served as director of the Hebei Provincial Department of State Security from 2006 to 2017. Omne ignotem pro magnifico. (Everything unknown is magnificent.) 

Without a doubt, Hong Kong and its future are issues of great concern for People’s Republic of China President and Communist Party of China Secretary Xi Jinping and the Communist Party of China’s leadership in general. To what is likely Xi’s satisfaction, Dong is now handling of issues in the city concerning protests and conspiracy against the regime and foreign sponsored efforts to orchestrate and sustain such resistance. In this essay, greatcharlie has sought in this essay to dive a bit deeper into Dong’s background, to include apparent safeguards taken for his security and what may have been external efforts against him, and what he may have in mind for quelling the threat posed by the People’s Republic of China’s opponents’ in Hong Kong. Thoughts are offered not only on decisions he has likely made but also on decisions he may likely make in the immediate future to shape events. Dong may have reason to believe the national security situation in Hong Kong may soon turn considerably in the Communist Party of China’s favor. This essay is relatively brief and could hardly have squeezed issues dry so to speak and put one in the full picture of regarding Dong’s thinking. However, the hope is that greatcharlie’s ideas and insights may lead readers, hopefully to include some practitioners in the field of foreign and national security policy analysis and decisionmaking, to develop new lines of thought on how to proceed concerning this pressing issue. Luce sunt clariora tua concilia omnia. (All your advice is clearer than the light.)

Before July 2021, this photo image of Dong Jingwei (above) was accepted by greatcharlie as authentic. As with all other elements of the intelligence industry, counterintelligence work requires wisdom, reason, and logic to be performed well. It is not the nature of intelligence services to regularly use force and aggression to halt an opponent, shut down its networks, thwart its operations, and intercept its intelligence officers, operatives, and informants. The intellect is the tool used for doing so. Dong is a man who has a deep understanding of how people tick, how they fit in and feel where they live and work, and how they can get the ones they have targeted tangled up in their respective espionage enterprises. In attempting to ascribe certain traits to Dong given his role at MSS, those considered by greatcharlie may appear to be mere abstractions. However, among the few traits listed should be a reliable intuition, further honed when at MSS he coped with challenges posed by foreign opponents. It may have enabled Dong to perceive likely thinking, decision making, planned approaches, and actions of managers within the intelligence services of opponents.

Things To Know about Dong

As reported by greatcharlie in its June 30, 2021 post entitled, “The Defection That Never Was: Meditations on the Dong Jingwei Defection Hoax”, Dong was born on November 18, 1965. At the time of this writing, he is 59 years old. In the People’s Republic of China, it would be of some significance to note that he is of Han nationality. As for his studies, he earned a master of science degree. The only publicly reported member of Dong’s family is his daughter, Yang–also known as Dong HuaHua on social media, She is the ex-wife of Jiang Fan, who at the time was an Alibaba executive, heading the company’s e-commerce platforms, Tmall and Taobao.

Suffice it to say Dong is a member of the Communist Party of China. Highlights of his career include service as the Secretary of the Party Committee and Director of the State Security Department of Hebei Province from 2006 to 2017. He served as Director of the Pokitical Department of the Ministry of State Security from 2017 to 2018. He eventually became a Member of the Party Committee and Vice Minister of the Ministry of State Security and the Chief of MSS Counterintelligence. It was noted in the July 24, 2015 edition of Intelligence Online that Dong’s direction of the State Security Department in Guo’anbu in the Hebei Province was significant for him as that province has reportedly produced many of Xi’s “securocrats.” Loyalty to superiors, age, and regional background apparently put him in good standing with senior party officials under Xi. One could probably safely mention reliability and discretion. By 2015, Dong reportedly became part of the “Xi Jinping Clique”, one of the main political factions within the Communist Party of China. By 2018, Dong was close to Xi. Other important Communist Party of China titles and accolades provided to Dong include: Representative of the 18th and 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China; and, Member of the 13th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.

Further concerning the MSS, as briefly noted earlier, it is an intelligence service responsible for foreign intelligence, counterintelligence, and internal security as well. To go a bit deeper, its impact stems mainly from providing consumers in Beijing to include the Communist Party of China leadership, the Party’s key organs responsible for foreign and national security policy, and ministers and senior executives of appropriate ministries and organizations of the State Council, as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with data that may shape their foreign and national security policy decisions. The People’s Republic of China’s intelligence services and law enforcement organizations have had considerable success in destroying the networks and intercepting the intelligence officers and operatives of foreign intelligence services operating in their country. Dong surely would had a considerable role in the interception and neutralization of those foreign an local actors. Whatever may have been put in place to ensure those foreign intelligence services networks would not be rejuvenated or replaced in some form has successfully mitigated such efforts. Dong surely had a considerable role in creating such a defense to foreign opponents aims and efforts as well. It would stand to reason that whatever Dong organized while at MSS to hold back the People’s Republic of China’s opponents surely could have been recognized by results as being strong enough, sustainable enough, to allow him to advance to his new position in Hong Kong.

Very likely from the view of the Communist Party of China’s leadership, Dong was much deserving of promotion and greater authority, and should not be held down indefinitely in the MSS as counterintelligence chief. Such has not been an obvious choice for national authorities in many countries to make about an individuals such as Dong. In foreign and national security policy bureaucracies in many countries, individuals such as Dong have been kept in place when they have exhibited great skill and seemingly unique capabilities in their jobs. For instance, Alexander Bortnikov has stood as Director of Federal’naya Sluzhba Bezopasnosti Rossiyskoy Federatsi (Russian Federation Federal Security Service) or FSB since 2008. During the Cold War, CIA executive, James Angleton held his position as chief of counterintelligence from 1954 to 1975. Further, in the broader sense of counterintelligence as being a element of law enforcement, J. Edgar Hoover led the US Federal Bureau of Investigation from 1924 until 1972.

Dong achieved great success at MSS primarily under the leadersip of its director, Chen Winqing. Apparently, they had an good working relationship  Dong assured for Chen Winqing that MSS would have solid one-two punch against opponents via foreign espionage and counterintelligence. However, through a decision made at the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, on October 28, 2022, Chen Winqing was named Party Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, overseeing national security and intelligence. He was additionally made a member of the Communist Party of China’s 24-member Politburo. On October 30, 2022, Chen Yixin was officially appointed by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress as his successor at MSS.

The Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission is the Communist Party of China’s highest security body and oversees all legal enforcement agencies, including the police force. As it concerned his preceding service at MSS with Dong at his side, Chen Winqing’s 2022 appointment more importantly placed him in charge of the People’s Republic of China’s national security and intelligence systems. It was only a few months later did Dong receive his opportunity to advance to the national security position in Hong Kong.

It is unclear why Dong did not simply receive to the top job as Minister of the MSS. However, it seems having Dong simply replace Chen Winqing was not likely viewed as the answer at any point. It was likely accepted by decisionmakers that it would be best to promote Dong to a duty of great importance and requiring immediate results that few could handle successfully. The position would require him to immerse himself on critical, exigent, and defined issues and not “just manage” MSS with its broad purview, although he most likely could have performed the top job there well, too. To that extent, Communist Party of China authorities, to include his former chief, Chen Winqing, obviously felt the best choice was to appoint a counterintelligence manager, a spymaster, a blood hound for a spycatcher as Dong to Hong Kong.

Notably, Dong’s appointment was confirmed only after a revamping of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office (HKMAO). The HKMAO is an administrative organization  of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the The State Council of the People’s Republic of China. Dong’s organization with its security role sits under the HKMAO.

This photo image of Dong Jingwei (above) was posted on Wikipedia website at the time greatcharlie wrote its June 2021 essay about his alleged defection. It has since been removed. The public in the People’s Republic of China and the world will never get to see a true photo image of Dong. Perchance the fact that there are discrepancies in those photo images leaves room open for the supposition that the latest official image popularly displayed in the local newsmedia in Hong Kong and beyond may indicate a desire by Beijing authorities or by the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to furnish a false clue as to the spymaster’s true identity. For whatever reason, the use of varied photo images may be a national security requirement set for Dong by Chen Winqing and the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. It also ostensibly gives the impression that in official foreign and national security policy circles in Beijing and Hong Kong, and particularly in the Communist Party of China, that Dong holds a place of importance to them which surpasses that of any ordinary civil servant posted to the region. To gnaw just a bit further, the use of alternative images of Dong may tindicate the use of decoys is a more commonly used practice by the People’s Republic of China’s foreign intelligence and counterintelligence services than anyone outside of the country might have imagined. Surely, the sense of security the practice may create perhaps brings comfort to those who would otherwise be under the chronic stress caused by adversaries attempts to surveil and monitor their activities by a variety of means. Mentioned in theis essay in the use of an alias by Sun Qingye, one of Dong’s senior deputies in Hong Kong.

The Photo Image Discrepancy

As the two images have far more similar features of the official than dissimilar, one could very easily understand how it might present a challenge for many to distinguish between their facial features of the individuals in the photographs. Yet, both photographs, in reality, display enough distinct aspects to allow one to discern fairly significant differences between them. To support greatcharlie’s discussion on the discrepancies in the two popular photo images of Dong, two are used, and discussed  briefly within captions of this post. The discrepancies in the two photo images was covered in somewhat ample detail in greatcharlie’s July 15, 2021 post entitled, “”Commentary: Will the Real Dong Jingwei Please Stand Up?: Comparing Features of Popular Images of People’s Republic of China’s MSS Vice Minister”. However, it is not greatcharlie’s intention to re-visit the discussion on the issue of the variance in Dong’s images here

There remains the real possibility that both photographs exist to completely deceive observers, and Dong’s true image is not present in either of them. If that is the case, then in the possible effort to conceal his identity, Dong has done the thing completely. The two photographs focused upon here will continue to be published perhaps until another plausible image, or perchance another two or more, of Dong surface at some time and via some source of Beijing’s choosing.

As the two images have far more similar features than dissimilar, one could very easily understand how it might present a challenge for many to distinguish between their facial features of the individuals in the photographs. Yet, both photographs, in reality, display enough distinct aspects to allow one to discern fairly significant differences between them. Of the two different photo images, one may actually be Dong.

Suffice it to say as discussed in some greater detail in greatcharlie’s July 15, 2021 post, the idea of a director, senior executive, or key operations manager of an intelligence service taking steps to conceal his or her identity would not be unique in the annals of secret intelligence. Turning to a handful of examples, in greatcharlie’s November 13, 2019 post entitled, “Book Review: Markus Wolf, Man without a Face: The Autobiography of Communism’s Greatest Spymaster (Times Books, 1997),” it was explained that Markus Wolf, chief of the foreign intelligence service Hauptverwaltung Aufklärung (the Main Directorate for Reconnaissance), commonly referred to as the HVA of the erstwhile Deutsch Demokratische Republik (German Democratic Republic) or GDR, lived a life in relative obscurity, brilliantly concealing his presence and the footprint of his organization as both operated against the West. His memoir’s title, Man without a Face, was a direct reference to the fact that at one point, Western intelligence services only had a blurred photograph of Wolf while he attended the Nuremberg Trials from which elements within the CIA managed to identify him in 1959. Unable to collect an up-to-date photograph from which to identify Wolf afterward, for a long-time he was referred to among Western intelligence services as the “man without a face.” As the story goes, only after a GDR defector, Werner Stiller, identified Wolf in a photograph in 1979 for the counterintelligence element of West Germany’s Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (Office for the Protection of the Constitution) or BfV did that change. The photograph of Wolf was captured by Säpo, Sweden’s National Security Service, during a visit he made with his wife to Stockholm in 1978.

At the time Stephen Dorril wrote his authoritative book, MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service (Free Press, 2000), Richard Dearlove, then head of the United Kingdom’s Secret Intelligence Service–colloquially known as M16–was virtually unknown. A contemporary photograph was not published in the newsmedia. According to a BBC report, when Stella Rimington in 1992 was named the first female chief of the United Kingdom’s Security Service–known colloquially as MI5–her neighbors finally discovered what she did. Even her children learned of true occupation for the first time. No official photographs accompanied her name at that time. However, later, official photos of her were provided after photographers managed to take what was described as “a very blurry picture of her out shopping.” Petit rusé, petit malin!

Interesting also is the fact that Sun Qingye, a deputy head of the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, has a background in MSS. More directly, he served in the China International Cultural Exchange Center. When he assume his post in Hong Kong, in July 2020, Sun used the alias “Sun Winqing”.

The public of the People’s Republic of China and the world may never get to see a true photo image of Dong. Perchance the fact that there are discrepancies in those photo images leaves room open for the supposition that the latest official image popularly displayed in the local newsmedia in Hong Kong and beyond may indicate a desire by Beijing authorities or by the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to furnish a false clue as to the spymaster’s true identity. For whatever reason, the use of varied photo images may be a national security requirement set for Dong by Chen Winqing and the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. It also ostensibly gives the impression that in official foreign and national security policy circles in Beijing and Hong Kong, and particularly in the Communist Party of China, that Dong holds a special place for them which surpasses that of any ordinary civil servant posted to the region. To gnaw just a bit further, the use of alternative images of Dong may tindicate the use of decoys is a more commonly used practice by the People’s Republic of China’s foreign intelligence and counterintelligence services than anyone outside of the country might have imagined. Surely, the sense of security the practice may create perhaps brings comfort to those who would otherwise be under the chronic stress caused by adversaries attempts to surveil and monitor their activities by a variety of means. Recall the aforementioned note on the use of an alias by Sun Qingye, one of Dong’s senior deputies in Hong Kong.

Admittedly, greatcharlie lacks any information that would allow it to judge which photograph holds Dong’s true image. As promised, greatcharlie has only sought to parse out a few possibilities here. What is presented are simply perceptions based on observations made of less than a handful of photographs. Certainly in China, there are more than a few people in the MSS, MPS, the State Council, and the Communist Party of China who know exactly what Dong looks like and which of the two photographs, if either, depicts him. It may very well be that the causaliy for the use of mixed images of Dong is based on an effort to increase security. However, just as greatcharlie, a nonpracticioner, “amateur sleuthhound”–as one reader sardonically  referred to the editor–has examined two reported images of Dong in photographs, Expert, professional analysts in US intelligence services and those of foreign intelligence services allied with the US have doubtlessly examined all of the photographs available that purportedly include Dong using Artificial Intelligence and other advanced technologies, and have reached to their own conclusions. Thus, despite any possible efforts to conceal Dong’s identity, they likely have a fair idea of how he looks, too!

In the end, Dong’s work product will tell volumes about the individual and indicate his presence. Certainly, even if business as usual to date is the best foreign intelligence services may have offer to retain a handle on Hong Kong, with Dong on the beat, they will have to find answers where currently there may be none to simply maintain their grip, big or small, on the situation.

The Defection Rumor

Rumors of the alleged defection of Dong Jingwei, a vice minister of MSS were the subject of intense discussion worldwide, but especially in the US newsmedia and social media in June 2021. The singular story was previously discussed in greatcharlie’s June 30, 2021 post entitled, “The Defection That Never Was: Meditations on the Dong Jingwei Defection Hoax”. Assuredly, as with its July 15, 2021 post regarding Dong’s photo images, there is no intention by greatcharlie to simply rehash in detail territory that it has well-trampled. The aim is to explore a bit deeper for readers.

Allegedly, Dong fled the People’s Republic of China in February 2021 and handed himself over to US intelligence officials. Dong would have been one of the highest-ranking officers from People’s Republic of China’s Intelligence Community, and the Chinese government in general ever to defect to the US. Yet, alas, the rumored defection never occurred.

As reasoned by greatcharlie in its June 2021 post, the nature of the man or woman who would be able to serve as the chief of MSS counterintelligence, it indicated that is was hard to form a mental picture of Dong and how he of all people could had defected to the US, with his daughter in-tow no less. It is harder to envision who among those with any knowledge of the People’s Republic of China government and the national security apparatus would believe, Dong would ever consider defecting to the US no matter what the circumstances may be within the Communist Party of China or in his personal life. One could imagine Dong would be a deadender, sticking with the Party and his country until the rattle. It is also difficult to imagine what individual, organization, or professional organization gave the rumor its wings. Equally hard is understanding how those who ignited the rumor of Dong’s defection intended to benefit from its formulation and promotion. There was always the possibility–though there are absolutely zero newsmedia reports anywhere that suggested some proceeding mental health episode had befallen him–that Dong hypothetically could have been overwhelmed by some cacoethes. Yet again, the defection never happened.

There may be something to learn concerning how such a bold lie took public form. Among those who reported on the defection, there was general acceptance of the sequence of events. The defection scheme as laid out was indeed mad-capped. Dong allegedly defected in mid-February, flying from Hong Kong to the US with his daughter, Dong Yang. Dong supposedly provided the US government with information about the Wuhan Institute of Virology that allegedly impacted the position of the administration of US President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris on the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to Han Lianchao, a former People’s Republic of China Ministry of Foreign Affairs official who defected in the wake of the Tiananmen Square massacre, Dong’s defection was raised by then Director of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission of the Communist Party of China Yang Jiechi, and then People’s Republic of China Foreign Minister Wang Yi at the US-China Summit in Anchorage, Alaska in March 2021. On June 16, 2021, Han, citing an anonymous source, alleged that in Anchorage, Yang and Wang demanded that the US return Dong to China, but US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken refused. Subsequent reports, coupled with analyses by China specialists continued as Dong’s precise whereabouts remained unknown. Speculation had even reached Chinese social media threads after Dong had not been seen or photographed for several weeks.

Inferred from the odd choice to promote newsmedia stories of a defection was the potential confusion and chaos that might have been created in the minds of MSS, MPS, and People’s Libération Army’s Intelligence Bureau officers operating in the US and in the confines oF US interests overseas. The implications of such a breach in security would have been enormous. Information mined from such a highly positioned executive and director of MSS through interview, and potentially coercive interrogation, could result in the identification of officers, managers and their operatives, the exposing of netwirks, and collective information on sensitive operations conducted in the past and being performed at the moment

Rather than having a deletorious effect on the psyche of such officers, as well as their operations, the move uncovered the fact that they would hardly shrink at the last. In the worst cases scenario for the People’s Republic of China, Dong would have likely been quickly replaced under such circumstances. They as intelligence officers had accepte# the risk that there could the unexpected, things could go terribly wrong in the field. They had to prepare themselves for before travelling to the US or elsewhere.

Nothing about the tricky step would indicate a path upward to strengthen counterintelligence efforts against the People’s Republic of China’s espionage in the US. The People’s Republic of China’s Intelligence services have been steady in the approach to their work. Conceivably, the dismal failure of the suspected psychological operation would embolden if not the People’s Republic of China, but other foreign intelligence services to take bolder steps the Breach US security and ignite recruitment and espionage operations of audacity and  of an extent never considered in the past elsewhere.

Within the foreign and national security bureaucracies in Beijing, the assessment may likely have been that finding itself bereft of ideas, the choice was made by some foreign intelligence service or counterintelligence service to use a gimmick, a deception, a dangle if any specific response or individual were to be caught in a trap. It was likely assessed that the source was a Western counterintelligence service, perhaps one in Washington. 

As a friendly suggestion from a humble observer, it might be best for foreign counterintelligence services to refrain from engaging in such “poorly calculated” and “poorly calibrated” disinformation operations, if one of them was indeed involved in the Dong Jingwei defection hoax. Such action would appear to have the effect of emboldening People’s Republic of China intelligence officers operating overseas. If foreign counterintelligence services might insist upon adding to the chronicle of wasted time, perhaps one of them could send a large, ultra-high altitude balloon over the People’s Republic of China. Surely, it would mimic Beijing’s own actions throughout January and February of 2023. Still, one could imagine that a balloon as such, blithely passing over the country, would at least garner the attention of, and some discernible reaction from, a few officials of the security services there. (It remains difficult for greatcharlie to understand why the People’s Republic of China’s high-altitude balloons were not colored red if not to represent the Communist Movement then for artistic reasons: “Le Ballon Rouge” (1956). In leaving the balloons colorless, perhaps the aim was once again deception. Ostensibly, they could have been any country’s big balloons.) Einen Vogel haben!

This photo image of Dong Jingwei was posted on Twitter on June 16, 2021 by the US based, Chinese pro-democracy activist, Han Lianchao. In the tweet Han discusses how he came upon a rumor from an associate that Dong had defected to the US. If readers could pardon greatcharlie’s frankness, and not to disparage Han’s efforts, but as the rumor in the tweet was false, perhaps the photo that accompanied the tweet was a false image of Dong, too! In the rather diminutive space of Hong Kong–relative to mainland, Dong may be able to once and for all destroy all inroads made by foreign intelligence services. It will be more than a chess piece battle. Dong’s hope appears to be obviating all future possibilities for funding, providing information, and directing protest actions as the governments in Hong Kong and Beijing suggest were organized in 2019 and 2020. Lessons learned in successfully destroying foreign intelligence networks in mainland China will very likely serve as the basis to develop new and far more effective and  efficient tactics, techniques, procedures, and methods best suited for Hong Kong. Successful work by Dong could potentially improve the chances for the Communist Party of China to bring Hong Kong more peacefully back into its fold earlier than it might have envisioned.

Dong as a Threat to Activists and Foreign Intelligence Service Secreted in Hong Kong

As with all other elements of the intelligence industry, counterintelligence work requires wisdom, reason, and logic to be performed well. It is not the nature of intelligence services to regularly use force and aggression to halt an opponent, shut down its networks, thwart its operations, and intercept its intelligence officers, operatives, and informants. The intellect is the tool used for doing so. Dong is a man who has a deep understanding of how people tick, how they fit in and feel where they live and work, and how they can get the ones they have targeted tangled up in their respective espionage enterprises.

In attempting to ascribe certain traits to Dong given his role at MSS, some considered by greatcharlie may appear to be mere abstractions. Among the traits it feels should be listed is a reliable intuition. His intuition was surely exercised when at MSS he handled challenging problems posed by foreign opponents. It may very well have enabled Dong to perceive likely thinking, decision making, planned approaches, and actions of managers within the intelligence services of opponents. Perchance the same trait likely assisted Dong in successfully navigating to the top rung of the People’s Republic of China’s national security apparatus and to perform well at the side of leaders of the Communist Party of China.

Unt desint vires tamen est laudanda. (Even if it is beyond one’s power, the will [to try] is worthy of praise.) If foreign intelligence services are doing their jobs well in Hong Kong, it is almost assured that intelligence officers, their operatives and informants, covert sites, and clandestine lines of communication are well-ensconced in the city. Certainly from the Communist Party of China’s perspective, all foreign intelligence operations in the city are ready to be cracked. As of this writing, Dong has held his new position for nearly six months. Imaginably, in the initial phase of whatever Dong hopes to do, he and his managers will study the problem afresh ad nauseum and mine through existing information collected until with some assurance he can strike with speed, surprise, and–again from the Communist Party of China’s perspective–in some cases, lethality. He would very likely hope that his first big operation against his opponents would have a strong educational effect on them. However, foreign intelligence services would unlikely leave their operations open to defeat with one decisive blow. After all, they likely learned lessons from their intelligence disasters on the mainland.

On October 1, 2023, on the blog of the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Dong expressed a philosophical perspective on what his office’s work would entail. In brief, he stated: “The central government has built a comprehensive legislative and enforcement mechanism for the SAR to safeguard national safety, introducing the law, which had provided a solid security guarantee for the long-term prosperity, and started a new era for one country, two systems.” He proffered that Hong Kong has been transformed from chaos to order and was advancing from stability to prosperity but still faced risks and challenges in maintaining long-term prosperity. To help the city along that path, Dong stated that his office will use Xi’s thoughts on socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era as guidance. That would include upholding a holistic view of national security to implement one country, two systems. He declared: “[The office] will work with the committee for safeguarding national security of the HKSAR and relevant departments, to deeply implement the national security law in Hong Kong, combat all acts that endanger national security, and safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests of the country.” Expressing a holistic view, Dong said that he hoped various sectors of Hong Kong could support the work, strengthen the awareness, and “jointly build a solid dam” of safeguarding national security, to “promote a greater role for Hong Kong in building a great country and rejuvenation of the nation.”

However, before October 2023, Dong spoke more plainly about the counterintelligence task ahead in his country. At the aforementioned 2021 seminar on a counter-espionage regulation, Dong, then an MSS vice minister, spoke plainly about the counterintelligence task in his country. He explained they must catch spies as well as the funders working behind the scenes who carry out anti-China activities, according to the ministry’s summary of the meeting. Two months later, according to an online report by People’s Republic of China’ Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, Dong held a press conference and stated the national security departments had “mobilised all forces in the society for a people’s war against spies.” According to the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission’s website, Dong told reporters, “We insist on catching both the foreign spies as well as the hidden traitors.” He added: “We are determined to adopt powerful approaches in order to resolutely safeguard state sovereignty, security and development interests.”

What Will Dong Do?

In Hong Kong’s very crowded and rather diminutive space–relative to mainland, Dong may have a better chance to once and for all destroy all inroads made by foreign intelligence services there. However, it will be no mean feat and much more than a chess piece battle. Dong’s hopes may be to obviate all future possibilities for foreign intelligence services to fund, providing information to, and direct protest actions. One could infere from statement from the governments in Hong Kong and Beijing that they were convinced foreign intelligence services played a role in organizing the protests in 2019 and 2020. How Hong Kong and Beijing came across such information has never been made clear publicly. No clear and convincing evidence of the presence and interference of foreign intelligence services has been put forth. Perhaps the information was gleaned as a result of interviews and interrogations of both detained and arrested Hong Kong activists. Perhaps one of the overseas stations of the People’s Republic of China”s foreign intelligence services was able to secure information about an opponent’s foreign intelligence operations in Hong Kong. In any event, lessons learned through the successful destruction of foreign intelligence networks in mainland China will very likely serve as the basis to develop new and far more effective and efficient tactics, techniques, procedures, and methods best suited for Hong Kong. Despite the stated desire in Beijing to a policy of one country, two systems, successful work by Dong could potentially improve the chances for the Communist Party of China to bring Hong Kong peacefully into its fold politically.

The whole world watched in 2019 and 2020 via broadcast newsmedia and online sources, thousands of people rushed to the streets of Hong Kong to call for greater freedoms and more autonomy from mainland China. Not just governments but ordinary observers everywhere noticed the protests, commonly known as the Anti-extradition Protests, were well-organized and well-orchestrated. Apparently, Beijing was actually unnerved by the spectacle. Its reaction to it all was quite different from that toward the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the 2016 Mong Kok Unrest. As part its legal response, Beijing imposed an overarching national security law in 2020, equally effective in Hong Kong, to punish four major crimes: secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with foreign organizations. The offenses carried sentences up to life in prison. Under the 2020 law, People’s Republic of China security service officers were for the first time allowed to openly operate in the city unbound by local laws. The law also allows for suspects to be extradited to the justice system on the mainland. An estimated 260 people have been arrested and 79 convicted under the law, including dozens of Hong Kong’s most prominent democratic politicians and activists.

Under Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is required to implement its own national security law. Once enacted, law known as Article 23, most likely would prohibit not just four, but rather seven offenses in the city: treason; secession; sedition; subversion against the central government; theft of state secrets; the conduct of political activities by “foreign organizations”; and, the forming of ties between local organizations with foreign organizations. As of this writing, the city’s government is reportedly continuing to develop effective legislative options and will have its own law in 2024. La patience, la persévérance et la perspiration forment une combinaison imbattable pour le succès.

Yet, seemingly foremost in minds of most in Hong Kong at the moment of Dong’s posting to the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was talk about eight pro-democracy activists who fled abroad to evade national security charges. The story has been extensively covered in local newsmedia reports developed local and to a smaller extent within the international newsmedia. Of such great interest is the story that it shared coverage with Dong’s appointment. In July 2023, the city’s Chief Executive, Lee, pledged a lifetime of police pursuit for the eight fugitives. In support of that pledge, Hong Kong authorities have put a HK$1 million bounty on each of them. 

One might have expected that the flight of the eight fugitives normally would have been a matter best investigated by the city’s main law enforcement organization, Xiānggǎng Jǐngwùchù (the Hong Kong Police Force) or HKPF. HKPF is the primary law enforcement, investigative agency, and uniformed force in the city. Much as MPS officers, HKPF investigators would be authorized to travel outside of the city to track down fugitives as a uniform course of action. Typically, to support those efforts, HKPF would make use of the resources of the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) and national, provincial, and locally police forces worldwide. For the MPS, a huge benefit of such cooperation as essentially a matter of procedure has been the INTERPOL “Red Notice”. INTERPOL defines a Red Notice as “a request to law enforcement worldwide to locate and provisionally arrest a person pending extradition, surrender, or similar legal action. A Red Notice is not an international arrest warrant. The individuals are wanted by the requesting member country, or international tribunal.” However, the “forced repatriation” of the eight fugitives would be handled under standard operating procedure by the HKPF. The “forced repatriation” of the eight fugitives would not be looked upon in a similar way to the cases of thousands who absconded from the People’s Republic of China and were returned under the MPS’s Operation Fox Hunt and Operation Sky Net.

Reading and hearing reports from the local reporters and commentators, it seemed almost certain that interested authorities in Hong Kong and Beijing, in the name of providing justice, would insist that Dong run down the rabbit hole of pursuing the eight fugitives. The case of the eight fugitives indeed achieved such prominence as a national security matter that it rose to a level of importance requiring the “full” attention” of Dong’s new office. Subsequently, a “good number” of its investigators were surely dedicated to the puzzle. (It is the best “figure” greatcharlie can come up with in the abstract.)

Certainly, Dong would have been very satisfied with tracking down the fugitives so early in the game. Their capture would certainly make quite a splash for the newsmedia and a feather in Dong’s cap. He surely will not hesitate to have the national security police detain pro-democracy activists, former opposition politicians and journalists under national security law. However, chasing down the eight fugitives who are now essentially smaller actors on the larger stage of foreign inspired and supported activities to destabilize the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region would hardly be a matter upon which Dong would prefer to focus. 

Directly on the matter from his first day, it very likely would have viewed as most important by Dong to study and make strong and ample observations on the pattern of activities, contacts, communications, and external influences, that allowed for the popularized “eight fugitives” to slip away That, as a start, would have assisted him in understanding how it was established and eventually shutting down the network that facilitated their actions and shutting down other networks that were in place. Such work would likely include to use of the latest technology advances in electronic surveillance developed in the People’s Republic of China. Some innovative combined use of existing technologies and manpower may provide a surprising new wrinkle to Dong’s counterintelligence effort in the city. Dimidium facti qui coepit habet. (Half is done when the beginning is done.)

Still, that work would hardly have diverted Dong’s focus on what has been professed as the bigger picture of the activities of foreign intelligence services and their varied contacts in Hong Kong for the past six months. As aforementioned, Dong’s tacitly declared the objective of People’s Republic of China’s counterintelligence efforts is not just to frustrate, seriously inconvenience, or hamper efforts by foreign intelligence service, but rather, to destroy them completely. That is a priority. Utilizing what he may likely uncover from his studies and observations of the activities of pro-democracy activists, former opposition politicians, journalists, and other elements, as well as using what the People’s Republic of China”s foreign intelligence services might collect about foreign intelligence operations in Hong Kong from their overseas stations, he would likely develop a strategy to level a decisive blow against his opponents. What would put him on track would be the successful identification of foreign intelligence officers operating in Hong Kong. From that point, he could monitor their efforts to: create clandestine linkages with pro-democracy activists, former opposition politicians and journalists; recruit and run operatives and informants in the city; and, develop multiple, sustainable, networks of operatives and informants there. Ostensibly, Dong would look in those particular directions as he would expect foreign intelligence services by tradecraft to take steps in those same directions. Les petits ruisseaux font les grandes rivières.

Dong in uniform (above) while serving in his previous post as Vice Minister for State Security. Dong once declared the objective of People’s Republic of China’s counterintelligence efforts is not just to frustrate, seriously inconvenience, or hamper efforts by foreign intelligence service, but rather, to destroy them completely. That is a priority. Utilizing what he may likely uncover from his studies and observations of the activities of pro-democracy activists, former opposition politicians, journalists, and other elements in Hong Kong, as well as using what the People’s Republic of China”s foreign intelligence services might collect about foreign operations in Hong Kong from their overseas stations, he would likely develop a strategy to level a decisive blow against his opponents.

The Way Forward

Out of academic interest, one might consider in the abstract that rather than being the former fount of acumen and success at MSS counterintelligence, Dong may have merely been the benefactor of the excellent work of bright and capable members of his team. If so, it might account for any decision revealed that he brought members of his MSS counterintelligence team in Beijing with him to Hong Kong. Of course, if he did take a few with him that may not at all have been his reason for doing so. In any event, whether Dong succeeds or suffers shipwreck in Hong Kong will truly tell if he is Communism’s greatest spymaster, albeit post-Cold War. With some hesitancy, greatcharlie is willing to go out on an attenuated thread, likely to the disagreement and dismay of some foreign intelligence services–if its humble opinion is of interest to members of any of them, and state Dong is the real deal!

As it is now likely been the case, managers of foreign intelligence services and counterintelligence services responsible for Hong Kong as well as the People’s Republic of China may now wake up in the morning wondering: “We know Dong has been doing something. What could that  possibly be?” They would want to avoid chasing shadows, but they would want to find out, peering into figurative darkness, if Dong is “getting close.” Putting Dong and his clandestine operations in the spotlight would seem the best way to concentrate resources and talent on thwarting him. However, until enough of his organization’s clandestine counterintelligence steps in Hong Kong are identified and studied, some pattern of its activities in the city takes shape, and its efforts become predictable to a sufficient degree–if any of that ever happens–that task will not be so easy. Sine ira et  studio. (Without animosity, without favoritism.)

China’s Operation Fox Hunt: Facts and Theories on How Missions Succeed and Flaws and Delinquencies Ripe for Exploitation (Part 1)

An Air China jet (above) soars upward after take-off on its flight home. On a number of similar flights from the US, a considerable number of For nearly a decade, undercover Chinese identification and repatriation teams, as greatcharlie has dubbed them, at the direct request and under the authority of the Chinese government, have entered the US under false pretenses, enlisted US-based accomplices, stalked hundreds of people, including US citizens and permanent residents, and coerced and cajoled them to return to China to face charges for economic crimes they allegedly committed. This effort is called Operation Fox Hunt. It went on near unhindered by US authorities until a bungled mission to capture a target in New Jersey led to arrests and allowed for the first prosecution involving Operation Fox Hunt in the US. Through an examination of flaws in the development, planning, and execution of that New Jersey mission based on available facts, greatcharlie provides some insights on additional ways to defeat ongoing and future missions by Chinese identification and repatriation teams.

On the intelligence front, the crisis of Chinese espionage in the US and the rest of the West has all of the hallmarks of a sort of ordeal. Chinese intelligence services have unfortunately managed to do their job successfully, collecting mountains of secret and information from the government bureaucracies and research and development sites, private businesses, high-tech firms particularly, academia, and think tanks. It would seem safe to say that Chinese espionage operations are ubiquitous. It is very likely that everyday they work harder and harder to make their networks and operations better and more effective, pushing their espionage capabilities far-beyond the reach of the counterintelligence services of the countries in which they operate. The primary conductors of China’s successful espionage operations orchestrated in the US, and globally are the Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó Guójiā Ānquán Bù (Ministry for State Security of the People’s Republic of China) or the MSS, China’s preeminent civilian intelligence agency, responsible for overseas espionage and counterintelligence both at home and abroad, and the Central Military Commission (CMC) Joint Staff Department, Intelligence Bureau of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), responsible for collecting and analyzing foreign military intelligence, including technology. 

But alas, there are other efforts at penetration and clandestine action undertaken by Chinese operatives in the US as well as other countries that are as insidious and perhaps worse. For nearly a decade, Chinese identification and repatriation teams, as greatcharlie has dubbed them, have absconded not with precious, secret information or property, but rather with people. (Identifying targets was actually one of the most challenging aspects of the teams’ activities. Without the ability to investigate and identify targets, any repatriation effort would be hopeless. In a worst case scenario, the wrong individual might embarrassingly be brought back to China.) Targets have not only been non-residents, but residents and naturalized US citizens. Indeed, incontrovertible proof exists that shows undercover identification and repatriation teams at the direct request and under the authority of the Chinese government have entered the US under false pretenses, stalked hundreds of people, including US citizens and permanent residents, and enlisted US-based accomplices–private investigators and self-styled bounty hunters–and relentlessly hound their targets. Ostensibly, the Chinese operatives have sought out fugitives from justice in China as part of an anti-corruption campaign. 

In a number of operations, Chinese identification and repatriation teams were completely successful in capturing their targets and bringing them back to China to face what the Communist Party of China deemed as justice. Yet, that has not always been the case. There is a great difference between grabbing intellectual property, trade secrets, computer files as well as actual technologies and grabbing people. There is a human element which, particularly under conditions that the Chinese government creates for its “volunteers,” leaves a degree of uncertainty and unpredictability that cannot be assessed until one sees actual results. In identification and repatriation operations, that same uncertainty can exist in the way that the targets may behave, too! That was the case with Chinese identification and repatriation operatives acting in New Jersey beginning in 2016. It was a bungled mission that has allowed for the first prosecution involving Operation Fox Hunt in the US. 

From the New Jersey case, a few insights are drawn by greatcharlie on this particular case of Operation Fox Hunt that may provide a better understanding on what Chinese operatives are doing via the operation and how they are doing what they are doing. With the color and life of the investigative reports greatcharlie found most informative aggregated with the facts laid out plainly in the federal court document, a somewhat definitive account of the event can be constructed. By highlighting flaws in the development, planning, and execution based on available facts of that case, greatcharlie seeks to provide insight on additional ways to defeat ongoing and future Chinese identification and repatriation activities under Operation Fox Hunt or under some new operation launched by Beijing. Just knowing what is wrong is not as great as knowing how to fix the problem. This commentary does not look at the situation only in the end to say everyone appears to be doing their best to halt China’s malign activities and all is peaches-and-cream. Comments and suggestions are offered, leaving it up to readers, think tank scholars, academics, policy analysts, and military and diplomatic officials, journalists, and students, but particularly practitioners who may serve in US counterintelligence, to observe, reflect, and act as they may. In the essay’s discussion, greatcharlie hopes to avoid any appearance of instructing counterintelligence officers on what to do. It would be satisfying enough to know that some of what is presented here might resonate with a few of them. By shedding light on some flaws in the development of plans and the organization of operators for action, as well as delinquencies in the execution of the plan, greatcharlie hopes it can offer something of use to the US, its allies, and friends to combat and to defeat similar malign clandestine and covert operations by China worldwide. If the matter of the identification and repatriation and repatriation operations is not put right, surely it will have an unfortunate effect on US national security now and into the future. Nihil tam difficile est ut non possit studio investigari. (Nothing is so difficult that it is not able to be tracked down by study.)

After People’s Republic of China President and Communist Party of China Party Secretary Xi Jinping (above) assumed power in 2013, he initiated a sweeping anti-corruption campaign. Xi vowed to hunt down powerful “tigers” as well as lowly “flies” in the campaign to eradicate corruption. The slogan of the campaign became “fight tigers, swat flies and hunt foxes.” Xi warned corruption was so bad that it could threaten the Communist Party of China’s grip on power. That campaign has netted thousands of party leaders and rank-and-file government officials domestically. Indeed, Operations Fox Hunt and Operation Sky Net were part of the effort internationally in that regard. In June 2014, authorities established the International Office of Pursuing Fugitives and Recovering Embezzled Assets–staffed with a composite of personnel seconded from eight government agencies. In the first alone, 3,587 fugitives from over 90 countries had been returned to China.

Overview of Operation Fox Hunt and Operation Sky Net

As alleged in a July 22, 2021 criminal complaint filed in the Eastern District of New York, Criminal Division, defendants participated in an international campaign to threaten, harass, surveil and intimidate John Doe #1 and his family, in order to force John Doe #1 and Jane Doe #1 to return to China as part of “Operation Fox Hunt.” It was revealed in the reports of investigative journalists that John Doe #1 and Jane Doe #2 are Xu Jin and his wife, Liu Fang. The defendants allegedly engaged in clandestine, unsanctioned and illegal conduct within the US and facilitated the travel of Chinese government officials to the US in order to further carry out these illegal acts.  Between 2016 and 2019, multiple Chinese officials directed the defendants, and several others, to engage in efforts to coerce the victims to return to China.

The US Department of Justice has identified Operation Fox Hunt as an initiative by the People’s Republic of China’s Ministry of Public Security to locate and repatriate alleged Chinese “fugitives” who had fled to foreign countries that have committed crimes under Chinese law.  The Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó Gōng’ānbù (Ministry of Public Security of the People’s Republic of China) or MPS is an internal and political security and domestic intelligence service. Once back in China, those individuals typically face stiff charges. After  People’s Republic of China President and Communist Party of China Party Secretary Xi Jinping  assumed power in 2013, he initiated a sweeping anti-corruption campaign. Xi vowed to hunt down powerful “tigers” as well as lowly “flies” in the campaign to eradicate corruption. The slogan of the campaign became “fight tigers, swat flies and hunt foxes.” Xi warned corruption was so bad that it could threaten the Communist Party of China’s grip on power. According to Human Rights Watch, that campaign has netted thousands of party leaders and rank-and-file government officials domestically. Operations Fox Hunt and Skynet were part of the effort internationally. In June 2014, authorities established the International Office of Pursuing Fugitives and Recovering Embezzled Assets–staffed with a composite of personnel seconded from eight government agencies. Just three years afterward, 3,587 fugitives from over 90 countries had been returned to China. 

Absent an extradition treaty between the US and China, one might look upon the problem as Chinese authorities taking it upon themselves to bring criminals to justice. However, it is of great concern for US officials that Operation Fox Hunt operatives, rather than working in the US with the approval and coordination of the federal government, instead regularly enter the US without notifying any bureaucracy in Washington relevant to their planned actions and engage in violations of US criminal law. To that extent, the activity has been described not only as “an end-run around the Department of State and the Department of Justice,” but “an end-run around US law.” Even more, it is alleged by US national security officials that despite Beijing’s claims to the contrary, identification and repatriation teams are pursuing certain individuals not due to a business dispute in China or violation of Chinese criminal law. Rather, there is a political purpose to the activity. In addition to tracking down those accused of economic crimes, Chinese identification and repatriation teams travel the world in pursuit of those afoul of the Communist Party of China, to include: Tibetans, Uyghurs, Hong Kongers, and followers of the Falun Gong religious movement. To force them into returning, authorities subject their relatives in China to harassment, jail, torture and other mistreatment, sometimes recording hostage-like videos to send to the US. Somewhat less concerning is Operation Sky Net which is a program that runs concurrently alongside Operation Fox Hunt and augment it by cutting-off the financial flows of citizens who have fled overseas and working to recover any proceeds gained through corruption.

Operation Fox Hunt: A MPS Mission

Although the Chinese citizens sought under Operation Fox Hunt are located overseas, identification and repatriation would be a task intrinsic to the mission of MPS. MPS surely has the most complete, up-to-date records on Chinese citizens and tracking down and identifying citizens its officers have honed and polished over decades. For that reason, MPS may very well be pulled into the mix of overseas espionage activities more often than may be presently conceived in the US and among its allies and partners. That same information about Chinese citizens is certainly of great interest to the Communist Party of China and in its hands via MPS. In addition to performing standard domestic functions as a law enforcement and intelligence and counterintelligence service, MPS is very much tied to the Communist Party of China to the extent that its present raison d’être and primary responsibility is to help the Party maintain its tight grip on the population.

To cloak their pursuit of individuals in apparent legality, Beijing has had the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), an inter-governmental law enforcement organization, to issue “Red Notices,” enumerating hosts of business crimes allegedly committed by their targets. In April 2015, China published a most-wanted list, called “100 Red Notices” that held the names of 100 officials and business executives accused in major corruption cases. According to government statistics, by December 2017, 51 out of “100 Red Notices” had returned to China. Among them, 10 were reportedly repatriated by foreign governments, while 35 returned “voluntarily” after being “persuaded.”

To cloak its pursuit of individuals in apparent legality, Beijing has had the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), an inter-governmental law enforcement organization, to issue “Red Notices,” enumerating hosts of business crimes allegedly committed by their targets. In April 2015, China published a most-wanted list, called “100 Red Notices” that held the names of 100 officials and business executives accused in major corruption cases. According to government statistics, by December 2017, 51 out of “100 Red Notices” had returned to China. Among them, 10 were reportedly repatriated by foreign governments, while 35 returned “voluntarily” after being “persuaded.”

Interestingly, Beijing’s acquisition of Red Notices on the innocent is surely a sinister practice. It has been a human rights concern of considerable importance in US-China relations. Reportedly, there are ongoing efforts by the US and other countries to snuff out Beijing’s Red Notice acquisition activity. One might say that any effort to do that would be near akin to shutting off the lights in the library reading room before closing. The list of “100 Red Notices” and every Red Notice acquired since that list  was posted, long ago should have served as figurative beckoning fingers for those seeking to defeat Operation Fox Hunt as to where the identification and repatriation teams would eventually show up. Countless traps and other tricks should have brought the whole cabaret down. With a proper strategy, officers directly from US counterintelligence services and perhaps truly well-equipped and well-experienced state, county, and municipal law enforcement organizations around the US should have used for good, stealthy, professional reconnaissance and surveillance. That reconnaissance and surveillance would have needed to have been performed unobtrusively and for the sake of those under Beijing’s requested Red Notices, unintrusively. Patience would also have been a main ingredient for success. The 17th century French traveller and jeweller, Jean Baptiste Chardin, (1643 – 1713) in “Voyages en Perse et autres lieux de l’Orient” (1711), wrote: “La patience est amère, mais son fruit est doux.” (Patience is bitter, but its fruit is sweet.) Further, to succeed, no assistance from contractors in the activity should have been allowed. Contractors for the most part can only offer what the young people refer to as “gangstalking,” “Keystone Cop” type choreography, and school-boy pranks. In one way or another they would have ruined anything they touched as they typically do.

Federal Court Documents Versus Investigative Reports as Sources

In an interview with George Plimpton in the Fall 1990 edition of the Paris Review, Maya Angelou said: “The facts can obscure the truth, what it really felt like.” Many might imagine the rudiments of tactics, techniques and procedures, and methods of China’s efforts as presented in the federal court document might serve as a source for guidance. They would be mistaken. Reading through the indictment, the facts of the case on first impression may appear laid out in the federal court document in a somewhat Daedalian manner to the nonlegal scholar, the layman. Not even the sequence of events was not made clear. From what is presented in the federal court indictment, one might believe the case leading to the indictment of Operation Fox Hunt operatives was rather featureless. The ways in which Chinese identification and repatriation teams acted as laid out appear almost predictable, given the nature of their mission and their desire to satisfy the authorities who commissioned the enterprise. There is nothing in the document that would strike a reader as something new, intriguing, or recherché. Much of what is within could hardly serve as a foundation upon which US law enforcement and counterintelligence service might be better enabled to construct new approaches to mitigate them. The whole matter actually took on new meaning for greatcharlie after reading a July 22, 2021 ProPublica article which conveyed the facts of the case in an interesting way stirred greatcharlie’s interest and resulted in a decision to dive deeper into the facts of the case.

 In the reports of investigative journalists of ProPublica and other publications, there is general acceptance of the facts as presented in the federal criminal complaint. Yet, even more important, the investigative reports provide color to the story of the identification and repatriation team’s activities. The investigative journalists’ stories offer assessments of principal actors involved, ascribing traits to them, painting pictures of them as well as locations where specific acts occurred, and aiding readers in understanding how it likely felt to be victimized by such an enterprise. Investigative journalists also present moments of life in a way that allows readers to enter an experience. Indeed, there is much to learn from several impressive articles by investigative journalists. By including that information with facts, the story of the episode provides a structure that allows a sufficient parsing of everything involved. 

Xu Jin (above), a legal permanent resident in the US, formerly directed the development commission of Wuhan, China before he left for the US in 2010. In both 2012 and 2014, the Chinese government caused the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol) to issue “Red Notices” for Xu and Liu. According to those Red Notices, Xu was wanted by the Chinese government for “embezzlement,” abuse of power, [and] acceptance of bribes,” pursuant to Chinese Criminal Law Articles 383, 385, and 397, which carried a maximum possible penalty of life imprisonment. In 2015, the Chinese government put the couple on its list of 100 most wanted fugitives in Operation Fox Hunt. Chinese authorities have said they made three formal requests for US assistance about the couple, providing evidence about alleged money laundering and immigration crimes that could be prosecuted in the US.

Targets of the New Jersey Mission

As reported in the Wall Street Journal, Xu had directed Wuhan’s development commission before he left for the US in 2010 with his wife, Liu, who is a former insurance company executive. Xu and Liu, both 57 at the time of this writing, had obtained US green cards through a program that grants residency to foreigners who invest more than $500,000 in the US. In the interest of full-disclosure, a California consultant who helped them apply for the green cards later pleaded guilty to immigration fraud, and investigators in that case alleged that the wife’s petition for residency contained false information. But they remain legal residents. Using its standard artifice to tie everything up neatly with a legal bow, in and around 2012 and 2014, the Chinese government caused the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), an inter-governmental law enforcement organization to issue “Red Notices” for Xu and Liu. According to those Red Notices, Xu was wanted by the Chinese government for “embezzlement” abuse of power [and] acceptance of bribes,” pursuant to Chinese Criminal Law Articles 383, 385, and 397, which carried a maximum possible penalty of life imprisonment. In 2015, the Chinese government put the couple on its list of 100 most wanted fugitives in Operation Fox Hunt. Chinese authorities have said they made three formal requests for US assistance about the wanted couple, providing evidence about alleged money laundering and immigration crimes that could be prosecuted here. A spokesperson for the US Department of Justice declined to comment on that assertion.

In April 2018, the Chinese privately owned company, Xinba Construction Group Company, filed a lawsuit against the couple in New Jersey state court, accusing Xu of holding up projects to extort money from companies, and due to his actions, those companies still owe Xinba more than $10 million for contracts performed. In court filings, the couple denied Xu extorted or looted any company, calling the litigation an artifice designed to coerce the couple “to return to China and, if not, to harass and attempt to bankrupt” them. Their countersuit also alleged an extensive harassment campaign was being waged against them by Chinese operatives. They also claimed those same operatives had kidnapped Xu’s father living in China and that they had posed as special agents of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to stalk an immediate relative of Xu’s living in the US. Although the endangered couple’s attorney had accurately and clearly laid out the Chinese government’s villany, a judge in September 2019, out of ignorance, rejected their claims, saying they failed to provide sufficient evidence that Xinba was working with the Chinese government. A preceding judge overseeing the case, completely failing to understand the absolute gravity of matter with regard to US national security, remarked: “It’s not your ordinary case you see in the Superior Court in Essex County, but we’re open for all business I guess . . . No herniated discs. No slip and fall in this case.”

Perchance, back in Beijing, dismissive responses as such  from jurists of the US court system were predicted. US judges, unsure when they wanted to be sure, would reject what they did not understand or thought unimaginable. Predicting such behavior would presumably be one among a set of assumptions and predictions made in Beijing on the actions and reactions of those elements in the US whose responsibility and capability would be to present obstacles or prevent Operation Fox Hunt from succeeding. Those elements in the US were apparently no more threatening to senior executives, managers, and planners in MPS than the Maginot Line was to the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht in 1940.

Liu Feng (above), is the wife of Xu Jin. A former insurance company executive, she came to the US with Xu in 2010. According to a Red Notice issued by Interpol, Liu is equally sought for arrest as Xu. In April 2018, the Chinese privately owned company, Xinba Construction Group Company, filed a lawsuit against Xu and Liu in New Jersey state court, accusing Xu of holding up projects to extort money from companies, and due to his actions, those companies still owe Xinba more than $10 million for contracts performed. In court filings, the couple denied Xu extorted or looted any company, calling the litigation an artifice designed to coerce the couple “to return to China and, if not, to harass and attempt to bankrupt” them. Their countersuit also alleged an extensive harassment campaign was being waged against them by Chinese operatives. They also claimed those same operatives had kidnapped Xu’s father living in China and had posed as federal agents to stalk an immediate relative of Liu living in the US.

Preparation for the Mission: What Was likely Raised in Feasibility Studies Done in Advance?

One should never expect China to come charging in with reckless abandon. If it had happened in the past, it surely will happen any more. The efforts of those operating in the US on all levels, espionage, identification and repatriation, and perchance, covert operations, will typically be calibrated, with supposedly every precaution taken into consideration. Vouloir c’est pouvoir. Operation Fox Hunt has been marked by concerted, energetic, and endless activity by China. For the most part, Chinese efforts in the US have been quiet, smooth, and quite sophisticated in nature. Albeit moving into the realm of conjecture, one can imagine how a feasibility study for the rendition operation was constructed and the assessments that led to the project being green-lit. 

MPS in coordination with China’s foreign intelligence services likely studied the situation, and recognized just how open the US was for the theft of its secrets in all sectors and then clearly decided to pour through, taking whatever they could. To date, there is no indication that they have decided to pare down any aspect of their clandestine and covert operations in the US, and evidently they have encountered nothing to even suggest that they should retreat. Ventis secundis, tene/tenete cursum. (The winds being favorable, hold the course.)

Surely, there were several feasibility studies produced on the possibility of successfully conducting identification and repatriation operations with concern at minimum focused on how under current circumstances, with espionage activities drawing so much attention in the US, the situation has not been made less secure for all teams operating there,  and the pitfalls of conducting such identification and repatriation operations with relations between the two countries at a relative low point. Such studies would likely be put before those assigned to manage the identification and repatriation operations in the US ostensibly  along with the volumes of studies done that provided confidence fhst China’s “espionage tsunami” would meet with considerable success.

Imaginably, information gathered for such feasibility studies would be up-to-date, and perhaps would be thorough enough to include manifests of law enforcement officers and counterintelligence officers within the planned area of operation of the identification and repatriation team, with notes on their working hours, usual movements and daily habits. If that might even remotely be the case, it would also mean China has engaged, and is likely continually engaged, in covert surveillance of many law enforcement and counterintelligence officers in the US who they may have discovered were handling Chinese espionage and identification and repatriation cases. They may have discovered that those investigators often display varied levels of diligence, are often inattentive when visiting site, are rarely thorough and at time outrightly remiss when interviewing individuals of interest, display their insecurities in conversation, prone to bullying their own citizens without any apparent cause, and are unprofessional often in dealing with existing contacts. Despite this perception based on analyses in the abstract or empirical evidence, US counterintelligence and law enforcement organizations around the US are not without count, and it would prove to be a mistake to minimize the threat of their presence altogether.

It is possible that feasibility studies such as those suggested had some influence on the decision on the location, the timing of the operations, and which émigré to pursue from a list of those sought. To this extent, Chinese investigators, as those participating in the identification and repatriation scheme, would be armed and enabled with an abundance of information. They enter the US, clearly equipped, able, and expecting to overcome difficulties foreseen and unforeseen from federal, state, or even municipal law enforcement or US counterintelligence services they may encounter. They have managed to establish, in the venues in which they have operated, freedom of movement so to speak. Of course, certain levels of information deemed “ultra-secret” or however it might be described by Chinese intelligence, would unlikely be shared by intelligence services with the identification and repatriation teams. Perhaps overall, the exchange of information by some organizations would be on a “need to know” basis.

In the abstract, conceivably lessons learned are internalized, studies and observations of law enforcement as much as counterintelligence surely are constantly underway in all the countries by every organization operating in respectively. In turn those studies and observations are doubtlessly shared to mutually support the success of one another. What may be recognized as too risky, ineffective, expected by the adversary through recent experience, would be cut away. What seemed to be a more available path to ends, is given consideration, and will likely find its way in efforts to prepare those going on the next missions. Malum est consilium quod mutari non potest. (Bad (ill-considered) is the plan that cannot be changed.)

Most important to note is that whether the matter is espionage or other malign clandestine and covert activities overseas, there can be no doubt that all are constantly moving through a process of evolution. It appears to be a manifestation of an idea, reflective of what has been dubbed “Xi thought,” that Chinese activities performed by government, Communist Party of China, or irregulars must be driven by an energy to push the country onward and upward into the position of the dominant power of the world and one might imagine perhaps even beyond that stature, whatever designs the Communist Party of China leadership might have in mind for that to be. At first blush, these comments may strike a few readers as being a bit lightweight, but some reasoning behind risking such audacious action in the US should be parsed out and laid out for readers to possibly accept and provide a basis for greatcharlie’s suggestions as to what may have been organized and had transpired beneath the surface.

The Main Operation Fox Hunt Players in This Drama

Once fully operational, the identification and repatriation team for the New Jersey mission grew to at least 19 US and Chinese operatives. Nine of the operatives among the identification and repatriation team members of the Operation Fox Hunt New Jersey operation are part of the case filed in the Eastern District of New York, Criminal Division.

Included in the criminal complaint were the following. Hu Ji was the lead investigator and identification and repatriation team leader.  Hu was at the time of the indictment a 46 year old officer serving in the Wuhan Public Security Bureau, a municipal bureau of MPS. To be a bit more specific, he was a veteran officer of the bureau’s foreign affairs unit. Hu is a man of the world with a natural turn for clandestine action and placing others in trying positions. Hu gained notice after joining an Operation Fox Hunt task force. Reportedly, in early 2016, the Wuhan newsmedia had published glowing profiles about him, describing his imposing height, his travels to 29 countries, and his arrests of eight fugitives.  In the view of the Wuhan newsmedia, Hu est a un autre niveau! In an interview, Hu told the Hubei Daily: “Out of the country does not mean out of the legal system.” He added: “Show your sword and punish even those in faraway lands.” 

Though in photographs Hu looks careworn, they typically present him as a professional, intelligent, well-minded, well-built–about 6-foot-1, well-dressed, well-groomed, handsome, smooth, and confident-looking, Chinese male. Hu is a compound of cunning and audacity, girded with steady nerves. His gift as a cool observer of mankind and an understanding of complicated interpersonal relationships allowed him to successfully carry off the job of team leader. That understanding of people surely aided him in manipulating and exploiting others. Hu’s cases had led from Fiji to France to Mexico, making headlines back home. The work was riskier here; in fact, it was illegal. He acquired dominant knowledge of the territory in which he operated. Hu was not even afraid to be at the elbow of law enforcement personnel to explain his purpose using some tall story, some artifice. Hu would identify himself as a Chinese police officer on his tourist visa. US officials hardly gave him a second glance. Sometimes, it was best to hide in plain sight. Perhaps the best way to express what is discussed here is to state that in his work, Hu could be dashing and audacious, but also honorable and discreet, using wits and memory, acting gradually. He could display a certain gentleness but certainly had the capability to be quite cruel. He had no qualms about exploiting individual weakness. Surely, individuals as Hu often seem far too well-equipped for the world in comparison to people most readers might know, or to themselves. In attempting to ascribe certain traits to Hu given his role as a normal Operation Fox Hunt lead investigator and identification and repatriation team leader, those considered by greatcharlie may appear to be mere abstractions. However, as far as one can tell, these are precisely the traits that assisted Hu in becoming a master at his work.

 At the time the complaint was filed, Zhu Feng, also known as “Johnny Zhu,” was a 34 year old PRC citizen and US lawful permanent resident, and until approximately April 2017, was a resident of Flushing, Queens, in New York City. Zhu had studied in Guam before moving to Flushing, which holds one of largest enclaves of Chinese immigrants in the US. His extended family became legal US residents and appreciated life in their new home. Zhu’s older brother served in the US military and then worked for the Social Security Administration and Customs and Border Protection, according to court documents and public records. Zhu reportedly performed odd jobs: tour guide, selling used cars. On social media, he sported a Yankees cap and a boyish smile and called himself “Endless Johnny.” He was torn from that life to serve as an involuntary clandestine operative for the Chinese government. Zhu Yong, also known as Jason Zhu,” was a 64 year old Chinese citizen and a legal permanent resident in the US. Zhu Yong was the father of co-defendant Zhu Feng. The older Zhu, is divorced and suffers from diabetes and high blood pressure. He did not have a steady job, and divided his time between a home in Connecticut and his older son’s place in Queens. He traveled frequently to China which very likely caught the attention of MPS.

This conscription of families of captured targets is a ruthless and effective tactic. Yet, Chinese authorities find great value in it reportedly because they believe it ensures loyalty and obedience. They also apparently believe that allowing identification and repatriation teams to use local intermediaries enable them to shield Chinese officers from scrutiny by US counterintelligence services and state, county, and municipal law enforcement organizations around the US. The teams are often organized in what has been described as silos to keep operatives unaware of who other team members are or the full details of their mission.

Michael McMahon, a 53 year old US citizen, was a licensed private detective in New Jersey. McMahon came from an Irish-American family of police officers and firefighters. During his 14 years at the New York City Police Department, he worked in narcotics and an elite street crime unit, rising to detective sergeant. He received the Police Combat Cross, the department’s second-highest honor, for his role in a gunfight in the Bronx. In 2003, he retired on partial disability related to ailments caused by his time at Ground Zero after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. His wife, an actress, once had a long-running part on “As the World Turns,” a daytime soap opera. Zheng Congying, a 25 year old Chinese citizen and legal permanent resident, resided in Brooklyn, New York. Investigators believe he was hired muscle. Li Minjun, a 65 year old citizen and resident of China, was a physician formerly of the Hubei Xiangyang Center Hospital in Xiangyang, China. Li had also worked for the MPS. Brought aboard the team as a specialist, her assignment was to escort Xu’s father from China to the US against his will with the hope that he would cause his son to surrender to the identification and repatriation team.

Hu Ji was the lead investigator and identification and repatriation team leader.  Hu was at the time of his indictment was an officer serving in the Wuhan Public Security Bureau, a municipal bureau of MPS. To be a bit more specific, he was a veteran officer of the bureau’s foreign affairs unit. Hu is a man of the world with a natural turn for clandestine action and placing others in trying positions. Hu gained notice after joining an Operation Fox Hunt task force. Reportedly, in early 2016, the Wuhan newsmedia had published glowing profiles about him, describing his imposing height, his travels to 29 countries, and his arrests of eight fugitives. In an interview, Hu told the Hubei Daily: “Out of the country does not mean out of the legal system.” He added: “Show your sword and punish even those in faraway lands.”

PRC Official-2 was at one time an individual whose identity was known only to the Grand Jury. However, PRC Official-2 has since been revealed to be Tu Lan, a 50 year old citizen and resident of China, was employed as a prosecutor with the Hanyang People’s Procuratorate and a leader of a Wuhan Fox Hunt task force. She would eventually direct day-to-day activities of the identification and repatriation team. However, as she did not speak English, Johnny would stick close and be her intermediary between her and Michael McMahon, the US private investigator, who was referred to by the identification and repatriation team members simply as “Mike.” 

Zhai Yongqiang, a 46 year old Chinese citizen, resided in China and California. According to court documents, Tu Lan and Zhai Yongqiang, age 46, were the last of the nine charged in the superseding complaint. The identity of a ninth defendant, named Anonymous by US prosecutors, remains under seal.

Among those also included in the federal court documents but not indicted were PRC Official-1 is an individual whose identity remains known only to the Grand Jury.  PRC Official-1 is said to be a Chinese citizen and a director of the Wuhan prosecution office’s anti-corruption bureau. Note that US prosecutors did not charge or identify PRC Official-1 or PRC Official-2 which frequently occurs for strategic and diplomatic reasons with regard to counterintelligence cases. Rong Jing, a 39 year old permanent resident in the US, was Hu’s point man in California. He was a married businessman, living in Rancho Cucamonga, about 35 miles east of Los Angeles. Court documents state Rong described himself as a bounty hunter for the Chinese government. He apparently enjoyed his “Motherland” and was quite talkative about it. Rong’s discussion of his work as identification and repatriation team member provided investigators with a wealth of information on the insidious nature and ubiquitous presence of the Operation Fox Hunt networks. Co-conspirator #3 was an operative who on or about and between May 15, 2017 and May17, 2017, contacted and hired a private investigator in California–dubbed P1 in the federal court document–for the purpose of surveilling Jane Doe #2. Co-conspirator #3 provided P1 with a picture of a document from the defendant Zhai Yongqiang containing the name and personal identification information belonging to Xu.

Communist Party of China Expectations of the Identification and Repatriation Team 

In 2015, Liu Dong, then deputy director of MPS’s economic crimes division, headed Operation Fox Hunt for the organization. He used interviews with China’s newsmedia to supposedly provide citizens with a rare look into the Operation Fox Hunt teams. He told Xinhua news agency that the work required a young team because members needed the strength to withstand long hours and frequent long-distance travel. Liu also told Xinhua that his team was highly intelligent, tough and nimble, with backgrounds in economics, law, foreign languages and business management. He further stated that team members were selected in part for their “emotional quotient” for dealing with overseas law enforcement, and for their ability to handle adversity.

For those team members indoctrinated in Communist Chinese thought doubtlessly recognizes his or her solemn responsibility to ensure China achieved its maximum potential everyday. Chinese intelligence officers in the various services likely feel that they can outperform their opponents and overcome their efforts to defend targets from espionage and efforts to intercept them. One might postulate in the abstract that Chinese intelligence officers may very well have closely observed, or may have read reports on how the behavior, performance and professionalism of officers of organizations in adversarial countries responsible for investigating and halting China’s espionage and any other activities in them was so negative, self-defeating, and self-destructive that confidence in their own abilities was uplifted. Perhaps this impression or belief grows in certitude with every review of certain adversaries. While there may not exactly be a wide open door there likely appeared to be seemingly endless potential for action and perhaps limitless possibilities.

Imaginably, those operatives from China already associated with the Chinese government who were selected for the identification and repatriation team had no bad habits–such as indulging in alcohol, narcotics, pornograpby, misogyny, and prostitution–that could potentially become amplified in a Western environment. To go a bit further using Chinese intelligence officers as a model, identification and repatriation team members, while deployed in service of their country, would not be expected to take any aspect of their duties lightly. They expectedly would never display any desire to involve themselves with banal amusements to fill time when not active in the field–one could hardly call any time while deployed “outside working hours.”–or entertain themselves on mobile phones while performing work tasks. One might presume that whatever they may most enjoy, they contented themselves with least. In effect, the team was expected to figuratively display the “company culture” of the Communist Party of China and live and act by “company principles.” By engaging in heavy handed actions against family members of the targets, team members certainly could be said to have displayed the “best practices” of the company.

Despite all of the safeguards in place, team members were well-aware that danger in the form of lurking US counterintelligence services. While perhaps highly motivated, on the ground, the hyperbole of China’s domination of the field in the US uttered by senior executives and Communist Party of China leaders is likely obviate in the minds of many operatives due to the very strong desire not to be captured. Presumably, no Chinese intelligence officer or clandestine or covert operative of any kind wants to be caught due to his or her own delinquency, carelessness, or outright stupidity. There is also the matter of punishment they might face back home for their failure. In recent memory, few to none among have been caught and put on trial in a US court. This is surely the standard and the expectation for all of those deployed at the Chinese government’s bidding. Unusquisque mavult credere quam iudicare. (Everyone prefers to believe than to think.)

In 2015, Liu Dong, then deputy director of MPS’s economic crimes division, headed Operation Fox Hunt for the organization. He used interviews with China’s newsmedia to supposedly provide citizens with a rare look into the Operation Fox Hunt teams. He told Xinhua news agency that the work required a young team because members needed the strength to withstand long hours and frequent long-distance travel. Liu also told Xinhua that his team was highly intelligent, tough and nimble, with backgrounds in economics, law, foreign languages and business management. He further stated that team members were selected in part for their “emotional quotient” for dealing with overseas law enforcement, and for their ability to handle adversity.

Stalking and Attempted Repatriation of Xu Ji and Liu Feng

As the story goes, in September 2016, Hu flew to New York to launch the operation. Among his first moves, he went into New Jersey to reconnoiter the house in Short Hills and other locations. Then at Hu’s direction, his bevy of clandestine operatives began building a network. First, they needed a local private investigator, preferably a former police officer with contacts and the skills to track people down. Zhu Yong, together with co-conspirator whose identity is known only to the Grand Jury as “Co-conspirator #1,” hired Michael McMahon to investigate and surveil Xu. McMahon came from a family of police officers and firefighters. As an officer in the New York City Police Department (NYPD) for 14 years, he had served in a narcotics unit and an elite street crime unit. He rose to the rank of detective sergeant. He received the Police Combat Cross for his role in a gunfight in the Bronx. McMahon retired in 2003 on partial disability related to ailments caused by his time at Ground Zero after the September 11, 2001 World Trade Center attack. Reportedly, his wife, an actress, had a long-running part on “As the World Turns,” a daytime soap opera. Imaginably as a security precaution, Hu’s operatives enlisted a woman who presented herself as the New York-based employee of a translation company to contact McMahon. The woman explained to him that she discovered him through a Google search. She then introduced him to Zhu Feng and Zhu Yong, describing them as representatives of a private Chinese company that was trying to recover assets from a former employee who had stolen money.  Zhu Feng identified himself as the nephew of the owner of the Chinese firm, which he allegedly described as a construction company. The following month, Hu traveled to the US to meet with McMahon at a Panera Bread restaurant in Paramus, New Jersey, a suburb about 20 miles from New York City. Reportedly, the MPS officer presented himself as Eric Yan, an executive of the private company, during that meeting and other interactions. Zhu Feng and Zhu Yong also participated in Hu’s meetings with McMahon. Hu provided McMahon with a retainer of $5000 at that first meeting.  The two Zhu’s were reportedly involved with his succeeding payments. McMahon’s attorney claims his client “believed he was meeting company personnel” and never learned the identification and repatriation team’s true mission. “Nothing seemed suspicious at meetings” according to McMahon’s attorney. He also indicates that the identification and repatriation team members that his client met at no point mentioned the Chinese government or that anybody worked in law enforcement in China. He claims the focus of discussions was asset recovery, and they convincingly portrayed themselves as company employees with a vested interest in locating the money. 

Soon after he was hired, McMahon began to investigate Xu and his family, a process which included conducting surveillance on Xu and obtaining his banking information. ProPublica reports that McMahon brought in two more investigators to help stake out a suspected location of Xu and Liu, a house in New Jersey. He took the precaution of alerting local police to the surveillance presumably to prevent any misunderstandings if detected or reported by passers-by. (At that point, McMahon demonstrated the willingness to cooperate with law enforcement. Thereby, ample opportunity existed  for US counterintelligence services and law enforcement to enlist his assistance as an informant or operative. For reasons unknown, the opportunity was passed up.) As indicated by the federal document, McMahon’s activities were initially directed by the defendant Zhu Yong and later directly by Hu and Zhu Feng. McMahon was diligent in providing reports on his progress to Hu. In the Fall of 2016, McMahon sent Hu information regarding Xu and his family. In or about November 2016, McMahon emailed information about Liu’s international travel. Later, around December 2016, McMahon emailed Hu information concerning Liu’s date of birth, Social Security Number, and banking information. In November, Hu, still using the nom de guerre Yang, emailed McMahon to say he had “reported all we found” to his superiors in China

In December 2016, Hu visited New York again. On that occasion, he traveled with his manager. US authorities only identified Hu’s superior only as PRC Official-1, the director of the Wuhan prosecution office’s anti-corruption bureau and a leader of a Wuhan Fox Hunt task force that includes prosecutors and investigators in the Communist Party’s anti-corruption unit. After that visit, Hu and Zhu Feng returned to China. Oddly enough, in a meeting in Wuhan, Hu confided to Zhu that next time they did not plan to come back from the US without the targets.

Following months of investigative work by McMahon, the identification and repatriation team planned a specific operation to stalk and grab Xu via psychological coercion. It was then that the team moved to bring Xu’s elderly father from China to the US in order to communicate a threat on behalf of the Chinese government directly to Xu. As part of the plan, Xu’s father was directed to tell him to the effect that if he did not return to China, his family there would suffer serious harm, including imprisonment. In furtherance of this criminal scheme, team members, Zhu, Tu Lan, and Li Minjun traveled to the US.

Malgré-nous Among the Team’s Members

It has been said that in zealousness, one can usually find some weakness, some hidden doubts. In China, the world is limited to what is seen through the lens of the Communist Party of China and “Xi thought.” For some Chinese citizens, that line of thinking and a will of iron act as blinders, preventing other perspectives from seeping in. From the view of the Communist Party of China, in the New Jersey operation, a team was being sent in under Hu’s leadership whose members’ minds were turned wholly toward bringing John Doe #1 back to China. In no small part, therein lies the causality for the ultimate breakdown of the New Jersey identification and repatriation operation. 

Interestingly, not all team members were members of the Communist Party of China or aspired to be such. One would think Party membership would be sine qua non for a mission of this type as it was actually commissioned by the Party and given that certain exigent circumstances could arise, requiring almost anything of team members, including literal self-sacrifice. Those called upon were indeed not the most dedicated. The teams and their superiors in Beijing erred in presuming without any reliable ability to predict or confirm the fidelity of those non-Party members would gladly follow orders in every circumstance.

With the New Jersey enterprise, it is clear two team members, Zhu Feng and Zhu Yong were called upon presumptively because their loyalty was guaranteed with dangled threats to cause misfortune for their relatives, some of whom had already suffered by the government’s hand. It was certainly an odd type of fidelity. In Zhu Feng’s particular case, in the summer of 2016, he received news from relatives in Wuhan that MPS had brought his uncle, a former accountant, back to China from Houston. Zhu’s relatives also contacted him to say: “The cop who caught your uncle is named Hu Ji. They further explained: “He will contact you about another case. Do what he says.” Team Members of identification and repatriation teams such as Zhu Feng and Zhu Yong are ostensibly China’s version of the French malgré-nous. Malgré-nous were those men of the Alsace-Moselle region who were conscripted against their will into the German Wehrmacht or the Waffen SS during World War II. Chinese citizens were torn from their normal daily lives and pressed into service not simply as a matter of being under the authority and thumb of hostile power that controlled the territory in which they lived, but coping with the threat of harm, even death, of loved ones also living under the regime.

The Initial Effort and the First “Emotional Bomb”

In the spring of 2017, the plan was ready and all team elements were assembled in the US. Hu remained in Wuhan, managing activities, but he sent in a specialist, Tu Lan, a prosecutor for the Hanyang District of Wuhan. She would lead the repatriation team on the ground, but because she did not speak English, Zhu Feng (hereinafter referred to as Zhu as the role of his father, Zhu Yong, was not discussed beyond this point in any sources) would stick close and be her intermediary with McMahon. The other specialist sent into the US, Li Minjun, as aforementioned, was a doctor who had worked for MPS, US officials allege her assignment was to escort an elderly man across the world against his will in order to ambush his son, Xu. Reportedly, Hu hoped the shock would cause the wanted man, Xu Jin, to surrender on the spot. The true age of Xu’s father has not been disclosed, but presumably Hu felt he was frail enough to put Li at his side for the more than 15-hour flight. Interestingly, Zhu Yong, who at the mission’s outset was entrusted to find and establish links with a US-based private investigator with specific characteristics, Tu, Li, and McMahon were ages 64, 50, 65, and 53 respectively. It seems that for MPS managers, age has importance, imaginably equating to experience, capability, reliability, solid judgment, and wisdom among other positive qualities.

Hu told McMahon in an email in March that the plan was to bring the father unannounced to the house in New Jersey and lure him out. Hu also gave him the following instructions: “We just want to recomm[e]nd you trace him to find [his son’s] address.” According to the federal court document, Hu offered to pay McMahon in cash for his assistance. McMahon accepted the offer. Hu later emailed McMahon two photographs, one of which depicted Xu and Liu while the other depicted Xu’s parents. Before returning to the US, Zhu was given the task of overseeing operatives he had hired in the Chinese community in New York. He sent a text message ordering one operative to join Mahon’s  surveillance in New Jersey with instructions to “conduct surveillance there for 5 days. 12 hours on the first day, 10 hours on the second day, and 8 hours on the last three days . . . The compensation is 1800USD.” 

To all appearances, Zhu had Hu’s complete confidence. On first impression, an interesting historical parallel comes to mind with regard to the developing relationship between Zhu as a conscript with his superiors, or more accurately, his captors Hu and Tu. Despite being torn from his former carefree existence and forced to become a player in Operation Fox Hunt, he was nevertheless given key tasks, considerable responsibility, and treated in a rather avuncular manner particularly by Hu. In Ancient Rome, occasionally certain masters would depend upon slaves to perform important duties and provide them with opportunities for growth within the society. A couple of famous examples of that are the relationship that grew between the master Terentius Lucanus and Publius Terentius and that between Carpophorus and Callixtus. Born between 195/185 BC, Roman senator Terentius Lucanus brought Publius Terentius to Rome as a slave. He educated him, and freed him after being impressed by his abilities. Publius Terentius would become a playwright known better today as Terence. Terence’s 6 plays have survived through the centuries. He died young around 159 BC. Callixtus was a young slave from Rome. His master Carpophorus, gave him the responsibility of collecting funds given as alms by other Christians. Callixtus would become a Christian himself. According to Sextus Julius Africanus, Callixtus would become the Bishop of Rome from c. 218 AD, and is known both as Callistus I and Pope Callixtus. He was martyred for his Christian faith in c. 223 AD and is venerated as a saint by the Catholic Church. Perchance Hu was grooming Zhu as a protégé and foresaw a future for him as a full-fledged officer in MPS or some other security service.

Exploitation of Émigré Communities

Clever choices have been made by the identification and repatriation teams based on studies on the practices of law enforcement organizations around the US where Chinese investigators must operate. Aware of the Chinese government’s hostile activities within their own community, it would seem to be grave error to believe law enforcement around the US could possibly know what the Chinese government is doing in the US against émigrés or what it is capable of doing to please or make a good impression with the Communist Party of China. It is not always the case but to an extent, the émigrés, thinking ostensibly in survival mode, will typically see no other way to get by but to remain obedient to Chinese authorities. Unfortunately, there is of course the other reality that not everyone can be or wants to be a noble soul. 

As discussed in the December 13, 2020 greatcharlie post entitled  “Meditations and Ruminations on Chinese Intelligence: Revisiting a Lesson on Developing Insights from Four Decades Ago,” under Article 9 of the National Security Law of the People’s Republic of China, as adopted at the 15th session of the Standing Committee of the Twelfth National People’s Congress, maintenance of national security, priority shall be given to prevention, equal attention shall be paid to temporary and permanent solutions, specialized tasks shall be combined with reliance on the masses, the functions of specialized authorities and other relevant authorities in maintaining national security shall be maximized, and citizens and organizations shall be extensively mobilized to prevent, frustrate, and legally punish any conduct that compromises national security. Article 11 decrees that there will be no tolerance shown for the failure to meet one’s obligation to maintain national security. The article states: “All citizens of the People’s Republic of China, state authorities, armed forces, political parties, people’s groups, enterprises, public institutions, and other social organizations shall have the responsibility and obligation to maintain national security.” Authorities in China understand that extraordinary powers are entrusted in the hands of many, such as MPS and MSS officers, who work on national security matters. Contractors, and even informants, who might work on their behalf are placed under the same scrutiny. Those who have attempted to cross the Chinese government have faced stiff reprisals. The shadow of sudden death can hang over the head of any individual arrested for such betrayal. As stated under Article 13: “Whoever as an employee of a state authority abuses power, neglects duty, practices favoritism, or makes falsification in national security work or any activity involving national security shall be held liable in accordance with the law.” The article further declares: “Any individual or organization that fails to fulfill the obligation of maintaining national security or conducts any activity compromising national security in violation of this Law or any relevant law shall be held liable in accordance with the law.” The furtive work of Chinese citizens at home and abroad under the direction of the MPS, MSS, or PLA, does not need to be without guerdon. As explained under Article 12: “The state shall commend and reward individuals and organizations that have made prominent contributions to maintaining national security.

Unable to keep pace with the identification and repatriation teams from the start, naturally the initial hope would be given the gravity of the intrusion on US soil, that while moving about within Chinese émigré communities, the teams would at least act with some measure and would not exceed what is decent. That has not been the case regarding their behavior. Operation Fox Hunt teams have created great fear among the émigré communities. One might toss on top of that an apparent impunity with which hunters from China act against them. True, on paper, members of the Chinese émigré communities have nothing to fear in the US and are welcome to enjoy the benefits of living in a free society. Yet, as the MPS was able to accomplish more than imaginable in the US, displaying its power and capabilities, there remains uneasiness, fear, terror among Chinese émigré communities from something they are thousands of miles from. Chinese émigré communities are for the most part convinced of the ubiquitous nature of the Communist Party of China and China’s security services.

Chineee Émigré Communities and Unshakable Grip of Beijing

Unable to keep pace with the identification and repatriation teams from the start, the initial hope would be given the gravity of the intrusion on US soil, that within Chinese émigré communities, the teams would act with some measure and would not exceed what is decent. Surely, that has not been the case regarding their behavior. Operation Fox Hunt teams have created great fear among the émigré communities. One might toss on top of that an apparent impunity with which hunters from China act against them. True, on paper, members of the Chinese émigré communities have nothing to fear in the US and are welcome to enjoy the benefits of living in a free society. Yet, as the MPS was able to accomplish more than imaginable in the US, displaying its power and capabilities, there remains uneasiness, fear, terror among Chinese émigré communities from something they are thousands of miles from. Chinese émigré communities are for the most part convinced of the ubiquitous nature of the Communist Party of China and China’s security services. Indeed, within the émigré communities, there is an expectation, especially among more recent arrivals that always close by are recruited informants of MPS, Party Members, planted United Front Work Department operatives and informants, planted MSS intelligence officers, operatives, recruited informants. Memories and ways of living to survive in an authoritarian China are not easily shaken off. Quando libertas ceciderit, nemo libere dicere audebit. (When liberty will have fallen (falls/is lost), no one will dare to speak freely.) 

The learning curve for law enforcement organizations around the US may remain steep for some time as the ways and means with which the Chinese government uses to approach Chinese émigré communities on matters such as returning citizens and former citizens to China “to face justice,” is ever evolving. Use of lessons learned by the Operation Fox Hunt identification and repatriation teams will mean for the future more effective use of artifice, more effective collection of information within émigré communities, more effective counter-surveillance, more effective sharing information and data useful for operations among organizations engaged in clandestine and covert operations in the US.

To get Xu’s father into the US without incident, Zhu coached the captive elderly man on responses to standard questions asked by border inspectors at Newark Liberty International Airport. In advance of Xu’s father’s arrival in the US, the defendants Zhu and Tu flew to  Newark Liberty International Airport on or about April 3, 2017. Xu’s father and Li, the doctor, arrived at Newark Liberty International Airport on a flight from Shanghai on April 5, 2017. While in the US, the Tu met with Zhu and an individual known to US prosecutors as Co-conspirator #2 at a hotel in New Jersey. At that meeting, Tu directed Zhu and Co-conspirator #2 to surveil a residence belonging to a relative of Xu and Liu using night vision goggles in advance of bringing Xu’s father to the home. Tu also subsequently communicated with Zhu with regard to the logistics of the operation. On the evening of April 5, 2017, identification and repatriation team members brought Xu’s father to a house in New Jersey that belonged to his wife’s relatives. As that transpired, McMahon performed surveillance in the vicinity of the house belonging to Liu’s relatives to determine the present locations of members of Xu’s family, including Hu himself, which at that time remained unknown to the team.

On April 6, 2017, Xu met his father at a public location before they returned together to his residence. McMahon and other team members monitored the meeting of Xu and his father. That same day, Zhu requested that McMahon run a database check for a license plate number and address associated with Xu. McMahon provided that info. Xu’s father remained with his son for several days. During that time, he explained to Xu that his family in China would be harmed if he did not return to China. Hu’s hopes for a lightning-bolt triumph evaporated. Instead of acquiescence, the family stood fast and contacted law enforcement. The FBI got involved, a move the Operation Hunt team was almost immediately made aware of. According to the federal court document, on April 7, 2017, Zhu sent a text to Tu saying Hu wanted her “and the doctor to come back as soon as possible” to “evade actions by US law enforcement.”  That same day, Tu departed from John F. Kennedy International Airport in Queens, New York on a flight to Beijing. The next day, Li departed from Newark Liberty International Airport on a flight to Beijing.

Identification and Repatriation Team Receives Intriguing Alert

Although executed piecemeal, the departure of key members and leaders of the identification and repatriation team after the alert was sounded may have followed a prearranged course. As it was always possible that such a need to move fast would arise. Nevertheless, a flaw became apparent in that process. it would have made a bit more sense if team lead investigators and their superiors, when selecting team members, had only selected individuals who possessed certain talents, perhaps demonstrated on previous operations maybe in other areas, who would expectedly contribute to the operation’s success. In this particular situation, some identification and repatriation team members who remained in the field as Zhu appeared unsure of how to proceed, were unfamiliar with steps to take, and required supervision. Those next steps that needed to be taken should have been standard operating procedures deeply ingrained through training. In an exigent situation, the team leader also appeared not certain as to how team members might perform. Tu, for instance, appeared to feel the need to be emphatic when issuing instructions. Zhu communicated in a similar way to the operatives that he supervised. This “crack” in the team selection process was to a degree a self-inflicted handicap and vulnerability that could have proved costly if US counterintelligence services and law enforcement organizations around the US were aware of the situation and positioned themselves to take advantage of it. Knowing that this is how the identification and repatriation teams operate, it could allow them to be better prepared and steal a March on their prey on another occasion when they are in their sights. However, this may have been a lesson learned by Operation Fox Hunt managers and it is unlikely that they would not make the necessary changes to avoid dealing with this issue in the future. Surely, there remains a chance the situation will be the same next time, too! Some Operation Fox Hunt managers may feel on ne change pas une équipe qui gagne!

Chinese Countersurveillance Operations in the US

The fact that the identification and repatriation team received an alert that the FBI was fully aware of the effort to coerce Xu by using his father was reported almost as a trifle in the federal court document. Yet, in reality, it was small much in the way that the small movement of a needle on a seismograph can report a giant earthquake. Upon first reading about this particular moment of identification and repatriation operation, there grew an interest in greatcharlie in how Chinese operators engaged in all sorts of activities in the US are seemingly forewarned whenever law enforcement and counterintelligence services draw near them. Of course, one of the counterintelligence organizations might just be a leaky ship. There could be rotten apples in their midst. However, it certainly would not be too fanciful to conceive that Chinese operatives on government sanctioned missions receive more support from unknown entities nestled in the US than may be recognized officially or publicly.

One might postulate that with so many Chinese intelligence officers–there were reports of as many as 25,000 “in country” back in 2017–and their operatives and informants moving furtively throughout the US, there may very well be specialized counterintelligence elements, covert surveillance teams, positioned in numbers deemed sufficient by the powers that be in the PLA CMC Joint Military Staff Intelligence Bureau and MSS counterintelligence that provide overwatch for espionage operations. The PLA teams, rather than come from intelligence units, might instead be formed from PLA Army special operations units primed in the reconnaissance and surveillance operations and to engage in a special reconnaissance mission. Teams from MSS would likely be secounded from the provincial departments and municipal bureaus, Chinese intelligence elements operating in the US would surely appreciate a resource that would allow their officers, operatives, and informants to repeatedly evade intercept. Similar covert surveillance teams may be operating in other countries. It is just a theory.

One might postulate that with so many Chinese intelligence officers–there were reports of as many as 25,000 “in country” a few short years ago–and their operatives and informants moving furtively throughout the US, there may very well be specialized counterintelligence elements, covert surveillance teams, positioned in numbers deemed sufficient by the powers that be in the PLA CMC Joint Military Staff Intelligence Bureau and MSS counterintelligence secounded from the provincial departments and municipal bureaus, that provide overwatch for espionage operations. If providing assistance to them would actually be feasible, it would be counterintuitive not allow identification and repatriation teams to enjoy the overwatch of any theorized covert countersurveillance teams of MSS and PLA operating in close proximity to them. 

If providing assistance to them would actually be feasible, it would be counterintuitive not allow covert countersurveillance teams of MSS and PLA to provide overwatch for other operations ostensibly underway in close proximity to them, perhaps of a variety and number far in excess of espionage. Such would be to the great benefit of the Operation Fox Hunt identification and repatriation teams.

As part of their mission, the theorized covert surveillance teams would very likely shadow any law enforcement or US counterintelligence organizations for the purpose of countersurveillance and early warning. No law enforcement or US counterintelligence organizations would be allowed to surprisingly appear at the site of a meeting between team members and a target ol contracted operative. No law enforcement or US counterintelligence organizations would be allowed to place surveillance teams on any of Chinese operatives without the knowledge of the covert surveillance teams. Any alerts about threatening moves by law enforcement or US counterintelligence organizations would unlikely be relayed through channels from the intelligence element’s headquarters down to those managing the teams as the circumstances would invariably be exigent, and time would be of essence. Communication between intelligence elements and the team would ostensively be confined at the level of the intelligence field managers and the lead investigator of the team. Imaginably, MSS and PLA managers would establish some incognito for their contacts as a security measure in case some catastrophe should befall the identification and repatriation team and through interrogation, the team leader reveals anything about their MSS or PLA counterpart that could identity them.

MSS and PLA intelligence network managers would hardly want some incident with the identification and repatriation team to draw unwanted attention to their province. It would be best to help the team get in and get out rapidly and safely. Additionally, having the opportunity to study and make observations of their opposition’s practices in surveilling suspected foreign operatives or the steps they go through and how they perform and behave while in investigation mode imaginably would be invaluable for MSS or PLA intelligence officers operating in the US. On top of everything, as the identification and repatriation operations are apparently the brainchild of the Communist Party of China, it would be essential for them to accomplish their task. Those able to make that a reality would be expected to do their utmost to assist with all possible precautions taken into consideration. All involved would likely be called to account if it failed. A MSS or PLA field manager who has the identification and repatriation teams operating in their area of operation would have to be considerably indifferent to the wishes of the Communist Party of China to have a clear ability to ensure the success of the team’s effort, and do nothing to assist and actually allow it the flounder.

Much as the MPS organized the identification and repatriation teams, it may very well be that any prospective covert surveillance teams organized for purpose suggested, might be well trained officers of MPS–also an intelligence service with what might be deemed a counterintelligence proclivity, doing what they do best for the Communist Party of China, keeping an iron grip on all Chinese citizens. Covert communications between team lead investigators and the covert countersurveillance teams theorized here would likely be uniquely designed by MPS in China for the operation. If the theorized covert surveillance team discussed in this essay were a creature of MPS, having it take their eyes off what members of the identification and repatriation teams were doing surely would not thrill the powers that be at MPS Headquarters.

Omne ignotum pro magnifico est. (We have great notions of everything unknown.) Of course, it is possible that nothing remotely resembling what has been suggested here exists at all. On the other hand, there may actually be surveillance teams operating around the US in a manner of far greater conception than what has been hinted.

Gnawing Bit More on the Theorized Covert Surveillance Teams 

Conceivably, when not engaged in their patient vigil over Chinese operatives of all kinds, the hypothetical covert surveillance teams maintain a low key, traveled existence wherever they are. What may be viewed as most remarkable about the covert surveillance team members if discovered would be the fact they are by appearance so unremarkable. Anything linked to their activities would hardly be found wherever they might reside or frequent. All in all, they would surely keep themselves to themselves. Yet, perhaps the most troubling aspect of the theorized covert surveillance team is that they would likely be gaining experience and honing their skills with everyday that passes during which they have perhaps been out in the field. As their skills increase, their capabilities and willingness to take on greater challenges would also likely increase. Further, for those trying to cope with Chinese operatives of all kinds in the US, the imagined increase in experience and capabilities among the theorized covert surveillance teams would surely be attended by a marked increase in the degree of difficulty in capturing them. Imaginably some financial support would be provided for the additional expenditures on logistical needs for the supportive surveillance work. As the activity would be in direct support of a Communist Party of China directed operation, a large request would unlikely be made to cover personal service expenses. The honor and privilege of serving the Communist Party of China would expectantly be viewed in Beijing as sufficient reward.

Oddly enough, the identification and repatriation team still did not just pull the shutters down and run off just because FBI agents were onto them. With the specialists safe, the identification and repatriation team members rather audaciously continued to watch Xu’s in-laws home and Xu’s home. Tu joined Hu at the command post back in Wuhan where she continued to direct the identification and repatriation operation while in China. On April 9, 2017, Zhu messaged Tu Lan, inquiring: “Prosecutor Tu [Tu Lan] whose order should I take for now while I am here?” Tu replied: “You communicate with me and Hu [Hu Ji]. I will go to the Commission for Discipline Inspection this afternoon. I will contact you afterwards.” The “Commission for Discipline Inspection,” which was a Chinese government agency responsible for investigating members of the Communist Party for corruption. Tu also wrote to Zhu: “[Y]ou need to confirm that Mike [McMahon] can execute according to our requirement.” According to the federal court document,, on April 9, 2017, Tu  sent an electronic message to the Zhu asking: “Did you tell Hu [Hu Ji] that I still want to confirm [John Doe #1’s ] [Xu’s] father’s status?” Zhu responded, “It seemed that he has reported to the [Chinese Official #1] already,” and added that “I arranged to have me [McMahon] stay there Monday morning.” Zhu told Tu Lan that ” the money I have on hand can only have me [McMahon] to stay there for two days.” On April 11, 2017, McMahon and Zhu discussed–in English–additional steps to intimidate Xu into returning to China. The federal court document specifically quotes McMahon as proposing they “harass” Xu, including by “[p]ark[ing] outside his home and let him know we are there.” Zhu replied that they “can’t harass [John Doe #1] [Xu] like that lol.” The efforts to persuade Xu to return to China were unsuccessful. The emotional bomb fizzled.. On April 12, 2017,  Zhu and Xu’s father departed from Newark Liberty International Airport on a flight to Shanghai.

Discussion will be extended in Part 2, to be published later.